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William
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Ecrit le: Jan 5 2006, 01:48 AM |
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Voil� un doc qui va faire plaisir � un ancien membre canadien de ce forum. La nouvelle vient de la BBC mais ce n'est pas une raison pour lui donner plus d'importance qu'elle m�rite.
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JFK assassination 'was Cuba plot'
A new documentary exploring the death of John F Kennedy claims his assassin was directed and paid by Cuba.
Rendezvous with Death, based on new evidence from Cuban, Russian and US sources, took three years to research.
One source, ex-Cuban agent Oscar Marino, said Havana had exploited Lee Harvey Oswald, who was arrested but shot dead before he could be tried.
Conspiracy theories on the killing have variously accused Cuba, Russia and the US of acting alone or jointly.
According to Oscar Marino, the Cubans wanted Kennedy dead because he opposed the revolution and allegedly sought to have its leader Fidel Castro killed.
Mr Marino told film director Wilfried Huismann that he knew for certain the assassination was an operation run by the Cuban secret service G2, but he declined to say whether it had been ordered by Mr Castro.
I realised that I was used. I felt ashamed. We missed a moment in history.
Laurence Keenan
Former FBI agent
Cuban intelligence made contact with Oswald after being alerted by the Russian KGB in 1962 when he returned to the USA after living in the Soviet Union for three years, Cuban and Russian sources say.
"He [Oswald] was so full of hate, he had the idea. We used him," Mr Marino said.
A possible Cuban connection was investigated by the US immediately after Kennedy's death.
But an FBI officer sent to follow the Oswald's trail during a visit to Mexico was recalled after only three days and the investigation called off.
Laurence Keenan, now 81, said it was "perhaps the worst investigation the FBI was ever involved in".
"I realised that I was used. I felt ashamed. We missed a moment in history," Mr Keenan said.
Veteran US official Alexander Haig told the film-maker that Kennedy's successor, Lyndon B Johnson, believed Cuba was to blame and feared a pronoounced swing to the right if the truth were known that would keep the Democrats out of power for a long time.
According to Mr Haig - a US military adviser at the time and later a secretary of state - "he [Johnson] said 'we must simply not allow the American people to believe Fidel Castro could have killed our president'.
"He [Johnson] was convinced Castro killed Kennedy and he took it to his grave."
Communist sharpshooter
John F Kennedy, the 35th US president, was assassinated as his motorcade drove through Dallas in November 1963.
Lee Harvey Oswald, an ex-Marine sharpshooter who worked in a store overlooking the assassination, was arrested but killed shortly afterwards.
He had a Russian wife, called himself a Communist and agitated on behalf of Castro's Cuba.
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Pascal
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Ecrit le: Jan 5 2006, 11:59 AM |
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Est-il possible de voir ce doc ici en France?
Pascal.
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Pascal
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spectateur
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Ecrit le: Jan 7 2006, 01:54 AM |
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Je savais Will, j'�tais d�j� au courant, c'est une hypoth�se qu'avait d�j� examin�e la CW d�s 1964... Rien de nouveau sous le soleil...
Perso, je ne crois pas qu'Oswald aurait eu besoin d'�tre pay� *$6,500 US* par le G2 pour faire ce qu'il a fait...

mais je demeure persuad� que notre ami Castro a quelque chose � voir avec l'assassinat de JFK: directement ou indirectement...
Et de passage au Sixth Floor Museum, j'en ai profit� pour faire des emplettes � la boutique de souvenirs, o� j'ai mis la main sur un compendium d'articles d'�poque du New York Times sur les �v�nements du 22 novembre au 25 novembre 63... Je me suis int�ress� � la r�action de Castro suite aux �v�nements de Dallas, et j'ai constat� que le Lider Maximo a eu une r�action quelque peu ambig�e � l'�gard de la mort de Kennedy... plus dict�e par la peur des repr�sailles US que par une r�elle compassion pour JFK...

Je conseille l'achat de "The murder of JFK - a Revisionist History" (1999 MPI teleproductions) en version DVD disponible d�s le 28 f�vrier 2006. On y expose des faits troublants sur les circonstances de l'assassinat de JFK dans une perspective conspirationiste...
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Aucun homme n'a assez de m�moire pour r�ussir dans le mensonge. - Honest Abe
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pinaudesbois
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Ecrit le: Jan 7 2006, 08:46 AM |
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Sur le chemin de la sagesse
 
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Pour les francophones, un autre ARTICLE |
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spectateur
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Ecrit le: Jan 8 2006, 04:08 AM |
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La r�action cubaine au documentaire de Wilfried Huismann ne s'est pas faite attendre...
http://www.granma.cu/ingles/2006/enero/vie...3kennedy-i.html
Malheureusement, l'article ne figure pas dans la version fran�aise de Granma Internacional...
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Aucun homme n'a assez de m�moire pour r�ussir dans le mensonge. - Honest Abe
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William
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Ecrit le: Jan 8 2006, 08:25 PM |
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Je viens de voir une version "bootleg" du doc. On en reparle plus tard 
Sinon, le commentaire perso et en vo de Escalante concernant Oscar Marino, la source principale - unique ? - du doc :
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No conozco a esa persona ni a los otros que este se�or menciona como personal de nuestra organizaci�n. O resulta ser un bluff o tuvieron trabajos intrascendentes muy al principio, all� en los a�os 59 o 60. Me gustar�a ver primero el documental para despu�s pensar en alguna entrevista. Ud Ya lo vio? Me interesa su punto de vista. Saludos. Fabi�n |
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spectateur
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Ecrit le: Jan 10 2006, 03:02 AM |
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Granma Internacional en version fran�aise publie enfin l'article...
http://www.granma.cu/frances/2006/enero/lu...9/3kenne-f.html

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Aucun homme n'a assez de m�moire pour r�ussir dans le mensonge. - Honest Abe
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William
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Ecrit le: Jan 11 2006, 08:45 PM |
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Anthony Summer vient d'�crire un papier pour The Times. Je ne sais pas s'il a �t� publi� ou m�me s'il sera publi�. Mais bon, ne reculant devant aucun privil�ge pour les membres de ce forum, voici sa r�futation de la th�se Castro :
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DUEL TO THE DEATH? � CASTRO & THE CRIME OF THE CENTURY
Anthony Summers
Murder will out � maybe. Two odd events this week, occurring thousands of miles apart, showed that � four decades on � the assassination of President John F. Kennedy remains a live issue.
Four former Cuban intelligence agents, interviewed on German television, claimed that Kennedy's alleged assassin was a tool of Fidel Castro's State Security Department. In Washington D.C., meanwhile, a senior attorney who served on the official American investigation � the Warren Commission � reversed himself on the same subject.
William Coleman, a former Assistant Counsel, had told me before Christmas of a mission he carried out on the orders of the U.S. Chief Justice, Earl Warren. He had flown to a secret location for a meeting with Castro, he revealed � a rare event indeed for an American official, even more so given the nature of the discussion. What Coleman learned, he said, satisfied him � and the Chief Justice when he reported back � that "Castro's regime had nothing to do with the President's murder."
Coleman had spoken clearly, and in the presence of a third party. This week, however, I received a letter from him flatly denying that the meeting with the Cuban leader ever took place. Hard to explain, unless perhaps one notes that Coleman � himself a former Cabinet member � is close to high officials in the Bush administration. Perhaps the Bush people, who take a hard line on Cuba, prefer that dark rumours about Fidel Castro remain unrefuted.
The assassination controversy dates back to November 22, 1963, when Kennedy died in a hail of bullets while riding through Dallas, Texas, in the presidential limousine. All the shots, the Warren Commission concluded, were fired by Lee Harvey Oswald, a former defector to Russia and Castro sympathiser, acting alone. A second probe years later, by a congressional committee, reported that there had "probably" been two snipers � one of them Oswald � and thus a conspiracy. The committee was vague as to who was behind the plot but, like the Warren Commission, said it found no evidence to implicate Cuba.
The new German television documentary, aired for the first time last night EDITOR: THE PROGRAMME AIRS TONIGHT, FRIDAY by Westdeutscher Rundfunk, does claim to have found such evidence. After a project lasting three years, at a cost of 850,000 euros, award-winning filmmaker Wilfried Huismann presented a chilling scenario.
On July 18, 1962, soon after Oswald's return to America from the Soviet Union, he reports, future KGB chief Vladimir Kryuchkov sent a telegram about him to the head of Cuban intelligence, Commandante Ramiro Valdes. Though Oswald was "unstable," he said, the Cubans should take a look at him.
Valdes' staff did as their Russian counterparts suggested, and had their first contact with Oswald in November, a few weeks after the Cuban Missile Crisis. More contacts followed � directed, according to the documentary, by Rolando Cubela, then a trusted Castro associate. Oswald was supplied with modest sums of money, and acquired a file at Havana headquarters in a section assigned to "Foreign Collaborators".
At least one meeting between the alleged assassin and Cuban agents � two according to a source interviewed for the documentary � took place in Mexico City. The pivotal encounter, the episode most incriminating to the Cubans, took place less than two months before the assassination. Fabian Escalante, a future chief of intelligence, and his nephew Anibal, son of a former president of the Cuban Communist Party, are named in the programme as having met with Oswald.
The young American said he wanted to become a "soldier of the Revolution", and to prove it by killing President Kennedy. He was supposedly twice observed in the Cuban embassy �s parking garage � a location chosen because the Cubans knew the offices and corridors of their diplomatic mission were riddled with CIA bugs and hopelessly insecure � with another agent of State Security, a tall, thin, black man. Known to some as "Carlos", though his true name has been given as Cesar Morales Mesa, he allegedly paid Oswald the less than princely sum of $6,500.
On November 22, 1963, after Kennedy was killed, the Cubans abandoned Oswald to his fate. He had been given certain assurances, presumably of a safe haven, but these were now forgotten. Oswald was arrested by Dallas police, but never went to trial. He was shot dead by Jack Ruby, a local nightclub owner, in plain view of millions of television viewers, while being transferred to the County Jail.
Cuban State Security had initially cultivated Oswald, one former agent says in the new documentary, simply because he was "available�You take what you can get�We believed in the revolution and were determined to export it." By late 1963, however, says the agent, a "desire" developed in Havana to do away with the man perceived as "the counter-revolution personified", the President of the United States. During his visit to Mexico City, supposedly, Oswald "volunteered" "Let's just say, we used him," adds the agent, "He adopted our plans as his own�He was an instrument."
In a three-hour interview for The Times, filmmaker Huismann expressed "absolute" confidence that � of all the myriad theories postulated over the years � the story he has assembled reflects what really happened. A youthful fifty-five-year-old, he has worked on the case virtually non-stop since 2003, seeking out interviewees and scouring archives in the United States, Mexico � he travelled to Mexico six times � and Cuba.
Asked why many of his Cuban sources appear in the film with their faces obscured, or why true identities are often obscured by pseudonyms, Huismann explained that they have reason to be afraid of reprisals. The interviewees were difficult to track down and in most cases reluctant to talk at all, least of all on camera. Asked why one should believe that the "former agents" are what they say they are � not just a bunch of anti-Castro exiles with venom to spill � his responses are informed and persuasive.
Only one interviewee, Huismann said, was paid for his cooperation. This was "Nikolai", the serving Russian intelligence official who agreed to trawl KGB archives for previously withheld material on Oswald, and he received less than $1,000. That the official could supply only verbal summaries of documents, rather than copies, was a risk. Huismann said he made a point, though, of making only very general requests for documents, to avoid being told what the official thought he wanted to hear. "Nikolai" has a reputation for reliability, the filmmaker was told by others he has helped .
Huismann offers background detail on Oscar Marino, the Cuban on whom he most relies, and argues persuasively that he was the senior intelligence officer he claims to be. Old news clippings and information gathered by the congressional probe of the assassination offer some factual background on another source, Antulio Ramirez � in 1961 he had been the first person ever to hijack an aircraft to Cuba. That feat, he told Huismann, for a time won him the confidence of State Security agents giving him � he asserts � opportunities to see documents, including a reference to the KGB's 1962 message about Oswald.
What "Nikolai" says of his discovery in old KGB archives, then, dovetails neatly with what Ramirez claims he saw in Havana. Too neatly, perhaps? And why should we believe what defectors say about their former comrades? Why, above all, believe them on a matter of such historical moment?
Even before the English-language version of the documentary is completed � the film has not yet been picked up by American or British broadcasters � sceptical voices are being raised. Though hundreds of researchers and scholars think President Kennedy was killed as the result of a conspiracy, most focus their suspicion not on Castro's Cuba but on disaffected anti-Castro exiles and Mafia bosses targeted by Robert Kennedy's Justice Department.
To forage in the 888-page Warren Commission Report, though, is to be reminded that the "Castro-did-it" theory was there from the very start. "Literally dozens of allegations of a conspiratorial contact between Oswald and agents of the Cuban government have been investigated," the Report noted. They included a charge that Oswald made a trip to Mexico City "to receive money and orders for the assassination" and � d�j� vu � the original claim that Oswald had been seen "receiving $6,500 to kill the President."
That allegation, resurfacing now in the German documentary, came in just three days after the assassination. A young Nicaraguan named Gilberto Alvarado walked into the U.S. embassy in Mexico City, asked to see the Ambassador Thomas Mann in person, then poured out a story that could be interpreted only one way.
While visiting the Cuban consulate in September, he said, he had seen Oswald talking on a patio with a black man "with reddish hair". They were joined for a moment by a tall Cuban who passed money to the black man, who then told Oswald in English, "I want to kill the man." Oswald responded, "You're not man enough � I can do it." Then, switching to Spanish, the black man said, "I can't go with you�" and handed Oswald the $6,500 in large-denomination notes.
Alvarado's story was for some time taken very seriously. The CIA had already told Kennedy's successor, Lyndon Johnson, of evidence that Oswald had indeed visited the Soviet and Cuban missions in Mexico � ostensibly to apply for travel visas. When Ambassador Mann began peppering Washington with messages about the supposed Cuban payment to Oswald, Johnson began talking of a possible nightmare scenario. The rumors circulating, he feared, could lead to nuclear war.
According to the official record, the crisis evaporated when Alvarado wavered in his story and a polygraph test showed he might be lying. Other information indicates that Johnson and his advisers determined, whatever the truth of the allegation, to squelch the story in the interests of world peace.
Some believe the episode was a deliberate provocation, a phoney story cooked up to ensure a revenge attack against Cuba. Former Castro agents interviewed by Huismann, insist it was not fabrication but fact."On the basis of all the information," Huismann said, "I do not doubt that Oswald met with Cuban agents to discuss the assassination of John F. Kennedy."
To back up the claim that future State Security chief Fabian Escalante was involved, he presents a document provided by the late Marty Underwood, an aide who served both the murdered president and Johnson.
As late as 1968, in the final months of his presidency, Underwood said, Johnson told him ruefully that he was preoccupied by "two cancers: Vietnam and the Kennedy assassination." He still harboured suspicions about the Mexico City angle, and asked Underwood to consult the longtime CIA station chief there, Winston Scott. Johnson's aide made notes of what Scott told him, scrawled on White House stationery, and years later provided a copy to the author Gus Russo.
"Early on the morning of November 22, 1963," a key extract reads, "a small Cuban airplane landed at the Mexico City airport. The single occupant transferred to another plane that was waiting at the far end of the airport. It immediately took off for Dallas, Texas. Later that evening the plane returned from Dallas and the occupant transferred back to the Cuban airplane. After many months of checking we are confident that the occupant was Fabian Escalante."
Escalante, who appears in the German documentary, dismissed the Underwood document as a fake. He said, too, that the purported KGB message to Cuban intelligence, alerting them to Oswald's potential usefulness, is "completely false, a forgery". He was not in Dallas on the day of the assassination, Escalante asserted, nor � ever � in Mexico City. Others interviewed, one of them a Cuban diplomat, claim he did serve there and did meet with Oswald.
Former Castro aide Rolando Cubela, who is also interviewed in the film, angrily denied the suggestion that he had anything to do with Oswald but readily discussed his own role in the struggle between the United States and Cuba. Cubela is a figure of mystery in his own right, a man the CIA coopted in a murder plot of its own � to bump off Castro - in the weeks before Kennedy was assassinated. The Cuban leader well knew he was a target, and let it be known that he held the President and his brother Robert personally responsible.
In comments to an AP reporter two months before the assassination, Castro excoriated Kennedy in terms extreme even by Cuban standards. He called the President "a cretin�the Batista of his times." Then he added, infamously: "United States leaders, "should think that if they assist in terrorist plans to eliminate Cuban leaders, they themselves will not be safe."
Former Cuban agent Oscar Marino has refused to reply, either on or off camera, when asked whether Castro personally authorized using Oswald against Kennedy. Wilfried Huismann, though, believes he knows the answer. The key, he says, is "the passionate rivalry that existed between the two protagonists. Not just between Castro and Kennedy but between their younger brothers, too. Raul Castro was pressing for more aggressive action against the U.S. �imperialist' system, and Robert Kennedy wanted a showdown with Cuba."
"We know that in 1963 the President at least considered trying to reach a diplomatic accommodation with Castro. In the end, though, it was Robert Kennedy's hard line that won. The decision to opt for a violent solution had by then become a duel � a duel to the death."
Castro's public stance over the years has always been to say that the President's assassination was "una mala noticia", bad news that he deeply regretted. He talk of retaliation against American leaders, he insisted, had been intended more as a warning than a threat. Some fragmentary clues, meanwhile, suggest a truth that would leave Castro neither wholly guilty nor wholly innocent.
While at the Cuban embassy in Mexico, the Cuban leader reportedly twice told visitors, Oswald had indeed talked of shooting the President. In an impromptu conversation with a British reporter, Comer Clarke, the Cuban leader he is said to have made an astonishing admission: "Yes, I heard of Lee Harvey Oswald's plan to kill President Kennedy. It's possible I could have saved him. I might have been able to � but I didn't. I never believed the plan would be put into effect."
Whether he really said this, though, is fogged with uncertainty and contradictions that can never be resolved � like the assassination itself. There is a possibility Clarke invented the interview. Fairly or unfairly, many will say Huismann's Cubans have invented their story too.
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William
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Ecrit le: Jan 14 2006, 07:33 PM |
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Castro est en col�re. Entre l'affaire Posada et le nouveau doc, il s'en prend lui aussi � Bush. Du c�t� de la Belgique, on vient de s'allumer un havane:
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The Bush family, the Cuban mafia and the Kennedy assassination
BY REINALDO TALADRID and LAZARO BAREDO
IN 1959, a young officer and businessman from Texas received directions to cooperate in funding the nascent anti-Castro groups that the CIA decided to create, but it wasn�t until 1960 that he was assigned a more specific and overt mission: to guarantee the security of the process of recruiting Cubans to form an invasion brigade, a key aspect within the grand CIA operation to destroy the Cuban Revolution.
The CIA Texan quickly took a liking to the Cuban assigned to him for his new mission. The system of work, although intense, was simple. F�liz Rodr�guez Mendigut�a, "El Gato," would propose a candidate to him, who would then be checked out, both in the Agency and among the Miami groups, and finally, the Texan would give the go-ahead.
In that period, F�lix Rodr�guez already knew quite a few Cubans, like Jorge Mas Canosa (subsequently the leader of various counterrevolutionary organizations and then president of the Cuban-American National Foundation) and had confirmed his loyalty to "the cause" and to the Americans. For that reason he was among the first to be proposed. He passed through the process satisfactorily, and in a meeting in the city of Miami, which the Texan liked to make as formal as possible, Jorge Mas Canosa officially became an agent of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency.
Jorge Mas didn�t know how to thank F�lix for what he had done for him. From that moment he was constantly grateful to him and, at the same time, obedient to his every petition.
But Jorge Mas was far from imagining the significance of this recruitment on the rest of his life. The significance rested on the fact that that Texan officer who undertook his recruitment process, approved it and then notified him at that meeting, was none other than George Herbert Walker Bush, the same man who, later, between 1989 and 1992, was the 41st president of the United States.
Various sources coincide on the foregoing. Paul Kangas, a Californian private investigator, published an article containing part of his investigations in The Realist in 1990, in which he affirms that a newly discovered FBI document places Bush as working with the now famous CIA agent F�lix Rodr�guez on the recruitment of ultra-right wing exiled Cubans for the invasion of Cuba.
For his part, in his "Report on a Censored Project," Dr. Carl Jensen of Sonoma State College states: "� there is a record in the files of Rodr�guez and others involved in the Bay of Pigs invasion, which expounds the role of Bush: the truth is that Bush was a senior CIA official before working with F�lix Rodr�guez on the invasion of Cuba."
But Kangas is more precise in his quoted article, when he states:
"Traveling from Houston to Miami on a weekly basis, Bush, with F�lix Rodr�guez, spent 1960 and 1961 recruiting Cubans in Miami for the invasion."
Other publications that have referred to the theme are The Nation magazine, whose August 13, 1988 edition reveals the finding of "a memorandum in that context addressed to FBI chief J. Edward Hoover and signed November 1963, which reads: Mr. George Bush of the CIA;" or the Common Cause magazine that, on March 4, 1990, affirmed: "The CIA put millionaire and agent George Bush in charge of recruiting exiled Cubans for the CIA�s invading army; Bush was working with another Texan oil magnate, Jack Crichton, who helped him in terms of the invasion."
Without knowing it, Jorge Mas had become part of something far more complex than the planned mercenary invasion. The recent recruited CIA agent became one of the participants in what was originally known as Operation 40.
Operation 40 was the first plan of covert operations generated by the CIA to destroy the Cuban Revolution and was drawn up in 1959 on the orders of the administration of President Ike Eisenhower.
In his book Cuba, la Guerra secreta de la CIA (Cuba, the CIA�s Secret War), Divisional General (ret) Fabi�n Escalante Font, former head of the Cuban Counterintelligence Services, explained what occurred in the early 1960.
"A few days later (end of 1959), Allen Dulles, chief of the CIA, presented to the King (Colonel, chief of the Western Hemisphere Division of the CIA) memorandum to the National Security Council, which approved the suggestion of forming a working group within the agency which, in the short term, would provide �alternative solutions to the Cuban problem.�"
The group, Escalante Font relates, was composed of Tracy Barnes as head, and officials Howard Hunt, Frank Bender, Jack Engler and David Atlee Phillips, among others. Those present had one common characteristic: all of them had participated in the fall of the Jacobo Arbenz government in Guatemala.
General Escalante recounts in his book that, during the first meeting, Barnes spoke at length on the objectives to be achieved. He explained that Vice President Richard Nixon was the Cuban "case officer" and had met with an important group of businessmen headed by George Bush and Jack Crichton, both Texas oil magnates, to collect the necessary funding for the operation.
In a 1986 edition of the Freedom Magazine U.S. journalist L.F. Proury explains that Richard Nixon had long and close links with the Bush family dating back to 1946 when Nixon, responding to a petition by Preston Bush (George�s father) presented himself as a candidate for the U.S. Congress, financed by the old Bush.
The group constituted within the CIA, states Escalante in his book, set up various teams in charge of organizing clandestine operations, psychological warfare actions and exerting economic and diplomatic pressure, which would put paid to the island government. This was compounded by the preparation of an elite group of Cuban agents who, after specialized training, would infiltrate Cuba and deal a mortal rearguard blow to the Revolution, which included the assassination of its principal leaders.
Jorge Mas Canosa gave his recruiters a very positive impression and was immediately assigned to a special mission. "Now things are going to take off," he said enthusiastically.
In the Exito magazine, Mabel Dieppa narrates:
"He was sent to a U.S. Marines training camp close to the Mississippi River, where he was trained to participate in the Bay of Pigs invasion."
But Jorge Mas, as stated, had been attached to a very special group, still within the preparations for the mercenary invasion. The group was composed of 160 men of total confidence and was headed by the traitor and likewise CIA agent Higinio D�az Ane (Nino). In the abovementioned book, General Escalante explains: "These men were given the mission to attack the town of Baracoa, in the easternmost part of the island, in order to distract the revolutionary forces when the brigade landed at the Bay of Pigs." Once they had taken Baracoa, they were to head for the Guant�namo Naval Base and, simulating Cuban troops, organize a provocation by attacking the installation, thus facilitating a U.S. military response with a formal reason for intervening in the conflict created by the mercenary invasion. That plan was the secret mechanism that the CIA and the Pentagon had up their sleeve, and nobody, not even President Kennedy, knew of it.
On the day of the invasion, the 160 "elite" agency men left in a boat for their destination but, on reaching Baracoa, fear at the movement of Cuban troops in the area won out over the sterling training they had received, and they confined themselves to continue navigating south of the island until they reached the westernmost extreme. From there, they headed for Puerto Rico, arriving there the same day. In Miami, as a joke, this action was christened "Skirting round Cuba."
After the Bay of Pigs defeat in April 1961 the CIA recouped its men. It reiterated its confidence in them and assigned them new missions, maintaining the objectives that gave rise to Operation 40.
In the weekly Pol�tica, the author Natacha Herrera explained:
"Along with another 207 agents, Mas went to Fort Benning, Georgia for basic U.S. army training and was selected to take a special intelligence, clandestine communication and propaganda course."
In his extensive work published for the Esquire magazine in January 1993, Gaeton Fonzi affirms that in Fort Benning, Mas Canosa�s friends with whom he was most closely linked in complex covert operations were F�lix Rodr�guez and Luis Posada Carriles," the latter of whom became notorious for the sabotage of a Cubana Airline passenger plane in full flight over Barbados in 1976.
"After Fort Benning," says the U.S. investigator, "there was some CIA connection in every move or action in Jorge Mas� career."
Precisely because of the outstanding results obtained in Fort Benning, the Agency later assigned Mas Canosa to another delicate mission. On this occasion, he would have to move to an "ultra-secret" base located a little south of Fort Benning, to join what was known as the "New Orleans group." That group, which took its name from the location of the base on the outskirts of the southern U.S. city, was mainly composed of veterans from the Bay of Pigs and Fort Benning, although some agents of confidence like Antonio Veciana, recently arrived from the island and reportedly very close to Jorge Mas in that period, were incorporated. Their preparation was sui generis. The group took a course on the use of means and methods of combat of the Cuban army.
The content of the mission was disclosed by General Escalante in his book: "Once again, the plot consisted of a self-provocation against the Yankee base (of Guant�namo), via the infiltration of a commando of 150 men who trained in an ultra-secret CIA base on the outskirts of the southern U.S. city of New Orleans."
The mission was cancelled due to the occurrences that gave rise to the Missile Crisis in October 1962, which convinced the organizers of the inevitability of a direct military intervention by the U.S. army without the need of any pretext."
After this new failure, Mas Canosa was full of rage and impotence and acknowledged to the U.S. writer Pat Jordan in an interview that, "the two men he most hated were Fidel Castro and John F. Kennedy."
In the United States, the media has once again picked up on the relationship of the �migr� Cubans who worked for the CIA with the assassination of President Kennedy in Dallas in 1963.
During a long conversation with the investigator Gaeton Fonzi in Havana, we discovered a story that, given its content, it is worth reproducing. Fonzi is not just any common or garden investigator. He had devoted much of his life to working for various congressional committees, including those responsible for investigations into the covert activities of the CIA and the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.
A few years ago, and after much effort, Fonzi managed to get a private interview with Antonio Veciana, the same old buddy of Jorge Mas in the "New Orleans group," where the two of them became close friends while fulfilling CIA missions. Veciana had been interrogated by the Grand Jury charged with investigating the assassination of President Kennedy, and years later, had had some drug-related problems; but he vehemently affirmed to Fonzi that these difficulties were nothing more than a "trap" set up by somebody.
"I have a lot of information, but I am keeping that to myself because it is my life insurance," Veciana told Fonzi."
Antonio Veciana Blanch was a public accountant who worked for the Cuban sugar magnate Julio Lobo. He rapidly opposed the Cuban Revolution and, in 1960 was recruited by the CIA in Havana. He received his initial training in an English Language Academy supervised by the U.S. embassy in the Cuban capital. In October 1961, after the failure of a plot he devised to assassination Prime Minister Fidel Castro with a bazooka during an event at the former Presidential Palace, Veciana fled Cuba.
In the interview that he gave to Fonzi he related that, once in Miami, he was looked after by a CIA official who used the pseudonym of Maurice Bishop. Among other tasks, this "Bishop" ordered Veciana to promote the creation of the ALPHA 66 organization.
"Bishop" had frequent contact with Veciana from 1962-1963 in the city of Dallas. Veciana recalled that, at one of those meetings in a public building, he saw Lee Harvey Oswald.
Fonzi noted that various acts of disinformation were organized as part of the operation that cost the life of President Kennedy: one in Dallas, another in Miami and a third in Mexico City. The objective of the disinformation was to manufacture the image of a "revolutionary" Oswald, a "defender of the Cuban Revolution."
Hence the ex-marine was filmed in acts of solidarity with Cuba, demonstrating in a very aggressive manner. But the most daring act of disinformation was effected in Mexico City. There, Lee Harvey Oswald turned up at the Cuban embassy to ask for an entry visa to the island. All of that was filmed from a surveillance post that the CIA had opposite the Cuban embassy, so that it would be documented.
The strange thing is, as Veciana told Fonzi, in one of his contacts with "Bishop" in early 1963, the latter said that he knew that he (Veciana) had a cousin in Cuban Intelligence, who was located at the Cuban embassy in Mexico. "Bishop" stated that if it suited his cousin to work for them in a very specific action, he would pay him whatever he wanted. Veciana commented to Fonzi that he had never spoken of this cousin to "Bishop" and also, at that time, "Bishop" was assigned to the U.S. embassy in Mexico City and even went directly from the Mexican capital to some contacts in Dallas.
In fact Veciana was the cousin of the wife of the then Cuban consul in Mexico City, Guillermo Ruiz, and in the days following the assassination of Kennedy, that woman was the victim of a recruitment attempt in the same city, with the clear proposition that, once in the United States, she would testify as to Oswald�s "complicity" with the Cuban secret services.
Questioned by Fonzi as to the existence of renewed contacts with "Bishop" after the Dallas homicide, Veciana answered that there had been, particularly in 1971, when he received an order to leave for Bolivia and work in the U.S. embassy in that country, where he would appear as an official for the Agency for International Development (USAID) and should wait for a visit from a known person. Fonzi checked the USAID archives in Washington and found an application form to enter the USAID in the name of Antonio Veciana, handwritten in letters distinct from those of Veciana and unsigned.
The "known person" who contacted him in Bolivia was "Bishop," at that time located in the U.S. embassy in Chile. "Bishop" immediately incorporated him into a team plotting an attempt on the life of President Fidel Castro, who was to visit the South American country.
Fonzi told us that he interviewed Antonio Veciana again, but this time accompanied by a specialist with the aim of composing a photofit of "Maurice Bishop" so as to determine his real identity.
Veciana gave a detailed description and the photofit was made. Fonzi spent weeks trying to identify the character, and one Sunday, suddenly received a call at home from a Republican senator for Pennsylvania for whom he was working at the time, and whom he had consulted on the identity of the man in the drawing.
The senator assured him that the he was absolutely sure that the man using the pseudonym of Maurice Bishop was none other than David Atlee Phillips. He was a veteran CIA officer who was in Havana on a working visit in 1958 as a specialist in psychological warfare, participated in the creation of Operation 40 and later, as part of the same, organized the Radio Swann transmitter. With time, Phillips would become head of the Western Hemisphere Division of the Agency.
However, at the end of 1993, in the documentary �Caso cerrado? (Case Closed?), the former chief of Cuban Security , Divisional General (ret) Fabi�n Escalante, revealed a secret report from one of his agents, which spoke of a meeting between Antonio Veciana and David Phillips in a hotel in San Juan, Puerto Rico, in the early 70s.
"Veciana told me," said the Cuban agent, "that he was a CIA agent and it was the CIA that assassinated Kennedy and that senior CIA officials including David Phillips, the official attending to him, were behind it all. Veciana never wanted to give me any details of that affirmation, but recently, I have been able to confirm it, because once when I was in a hotel with Veciana, I heard a conversation that he had with his officer, David Phillips, in which Veciana swore that he would never talk about what happened in Dallas in 1963."
General Escalante guarantees that the source has direct access to Veciana, and was in his total confidence:
"I believe," Escalante affirmed, "that that is very important information because I have to say that, in 1973, when Antonio Veciana was liquidated by the CIA; in other words, when the CIA took him off their books, he received a compensation payment of $300,000."
But there is more. According to Cuban State Security investigations disclosed by General Escalante in the abovementioned documentary, various witnesses quoted by the Warren Commission described two Cubans, one of them black, leaving the Daley Plaza Book Deposit in Dallas, a few minutes after the assassination was effected. In parallel, through secret information and public testimony (the statement by Marita Lorenz, ex-CIA agent to a congressional committee), Cuban Security knew that two days before the assassination various Cubans were in Dallas with weapons and telescopic sights, including Eladio del Valle and Herminio D�az, two paid killers and expert sharpshooters linked to the Mafia and Batista politics. The physical characteristics of Del Valle and Herminio D�az matched the descriptions that various witnesses gave to the Warren Commission of the two Cubans seen leaving the building seconds after the president had been assassinated.
The really curious fact is the final fate of both of them: Eladio del Valle was brutally murdered in Miami when Jim Garrison, the New Orleans district attorney initiated his investigation into the Kennedy assassination; Del Valle was chopped into pieces with a machete. Even more interesting was the end of Herminio D�az, who died near the Havana coast in 1965, when he collided with a patrol boat while trying to infiltrate the island with the mission of assassinating Osvaldo Dort�cos and submachine gunning the Riviera Hotel
In order to fulfill the mission on which he was sent, D�az had to infiltrate the island right in the capital via Monte Barreto in Miramar (where a number of hotels are currently going up) at a time when, because of an incident at the Guant�namo naval base, the Cuban army was on combat alert, and aerial and coastal vigilance was been reinforced to the maximum. In the eyes of experts, and the Cuban Security, the operation was a veritable suicide mission.
The financial organizer and planner of such "a strange mission" was none other than Jorge Mas Canosa.
But the history of the CIA�s links with its Cuban agents and the Kennedy assassination has not only been explored by Fonzi. Many other authors and investigators, and even the film studios that gave origin to the U.S. movies Executive Action and JFK, have covered the subject.
In an article published in The Realist magazine, the investigator Paul Kangas affirms:
"Among other members of the CIA recruited by George Bush for the (Bay of Pigs) invasion) were Frank Sturgis, Howard Hunt, Bernard Baker and Rafael Quintero� On the day that JFK was assassinated, Hunt and some of the subsequent Watergate team were photographed in Dallas, as well as a group of Cubans, one of them with an opened umbrella as a signal, alongside the president�s limousine, right where Kennedy was shot� Hunt and Sturgis fired on JFK from a grassy knoll. They were photographed and seen by 15 witnesses."
On May 7, 1990, in an interview with the San Francisco Chronicle, Frank Sturgis acknowledged:
"�the reason why we robbed in Watergate was because (Richard) Nixon was interested in stopping the news leaks related to the photos of our role in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy."
Another of Bush�s recruits for the Bay of Pigs invasion, Rafael Quintero, who was also part of this underworld of organizations and conspiracies against Cuba, stated:
"If I was to tell what I know about Dallas and the Bay of Pigs, it would be the greatest scandal that has ever rocked to nation."
Up to here are certain details of one of the existing theories on the above-mentioned event but, will the whole truth come out some day? Will Antonio Veciana, former member of the "New Orleans group," decide to reveal his "life insurance" or Rafael Quintero, to tell what he knows and thus, "rock the nation?" |
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spectateur
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Ecrit le: Jan 15 2006, 02:51 PM |
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Force de la nature
    
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QUOTE ("William") |
Castro est en col�re. Entre l'affaire Posada et le nouveau doc, il s'en prend lui aussi � Bush. Du c�t� de la Belgique, on vient de s'allumer un havane:
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Mais qui est Caroline Lebeau, "journaliste" de Li�ge en Belgique?

Sur le site d'Amazon.fr, on donne cette br�ve biographie, o� on la pr�sente comme "journaliste d'investigation" avec une formation en sciences �conomiques...
J'ai eu des contacts avec Caroline Lebeau via Wooppy, Wooppy et elle ont d�j� �t� de bonnes amies (presque des voisines), Wooppy �tait all�e m�me jusqu'� aider Caro a organiser des soir�es "JFK" pour financer des projets comme des voyages � Cuba, ou encore aux USA pour rencontrer le S�nateur Kennedy... Projets qui, curieusement, ne se r�alisaient jamais...
Personellement, mes contacts avec Caroline se sont faits sur MSN, et Caro se pr�sentait comme "�tudiante en journalisme" et quand je lui ai demand� ses sources pour son livre qui accusait les Bush, elle m'avait pr�sent� un document sur le "Skull and Bones"... Je sentais que c'�tait du "s�rieux", je me doutais que le docu sur "Skull and Bones" n'�tait pas la v�ritable source pour son livre...
Comme je l'ai dit plus t�t, Caro organisait des soir�es "JFK" et vendait des pins "JFK" pour financer des projets personnels (Wooppy a conserv� pr�cieusement une de ces pins, qu'elle porte � l'occasion).... Un de ces "projets" �tait d'aller aux USA rencontrer Ted Kennedy, projet qui serait tomb� � l'eau, car Caro se serait vu interdire l'acc�s aux USA pour cause d'extr�misme... Wooppy trouvait �a curieux qu'on interdise Caro sur le territoire US, mais ce n'�tait peut-�tre pas si curieux que ��...
Une recherche sur Google m'a permis de d�couvrir des liens entre elle et des groupuscules d'extr�me gauche comme le Cuba Solidarity Project, CSP qui l'a probablement inspir�e pour son livre et qui en a fait la promo sur son site
http://vdedaj.club.fr/cuba/assassinat_kennedy.html
De plus, madame Caroline Lebeau, "activiste belge", figurait encore en 2004 comme contact � Li�ge d'un mouvement "Boycott the war - Boycott Bush"... Regardez bien dans "contacts Li�ge", elle va jusqu'� publier son num�ro de portable... 
http://www.motherearth.org/USboycott/actio...onNews04_fr.php
Depuis des mois, on est sans nouvelle de madame Lebeau... �trange, elle ne fait plus parler d'elle... Serait-elle retomb�e dans l'anonymat???
Pour moi, la question est: Caro �tait-elle sur le payroll d'un minist�re de la propagande? Faisait-elle d�lib�r�ment de la d�sinformation?
That is the question...
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Aucun homme n'a assez de m�moire pour r�ussir dans le mensonge. - Honest Abe
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lerenardetbelete
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Ecrit le: Jan 15 2006, 03:44 PM |
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Unregistered

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""Depuis des mois, on est sans nouvelle de madame Lebeau... �trange, elle ne fait plus parler d'elle... Serait-elle retomb�e dans l'anonymat???"""
Normal ,avec ce qu'elle a pris dans la t�te de la part de certains "posteurs" , parfois � la limite de l'injure et du manque de courtoisie , sur divers forums , nous comprenons tr�s bien son silence . Elle a �crit un livre sur l'assassinat de JFK , vaut-il mieux ou moins bien que les autres ? Son �criture sur le sujet ,vaut-elle moins que la vente de la montre de JFK � 350.000� . Certe, reste pos�e la question , le sujet JFK , est-il encore une source de fric pour certains ? Dommage ..........  |
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kaisou
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Ecrit le: Jan 15 2006, 03:45 PM |
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Maitre Jedi
      
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QUOTE (spectateur @ Jan 15 2006, 02:51 PM) |
Une recherche sur Google m'a permis de d�couvrir des liens entre elle et des groupuscules d'extr�me gauche comme le Cuba Solidarity Project, CSP qui l'a probablement inspir�e pour son livre et qui en a fait la promo sur son site
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A part ce paragraphe consacr� � Cuba, on s'�loigne un peu du sujet, non?
Pour parler de Mlle Lebeau si vous le souhaitez, il y a Ce Fil consacr� � son livre.
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Soutenez PHDN
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spectateur
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Ecrit le: Jan 15 2006, 04:06 PM |
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Force de la nature
    
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Kaisou,
en lisant la r�ponse cubaine, au document allemand qui accuse Castro d'avoir �t� sponsor de l'assassinat de JFK, une certaine partie des all�gations cubaines laissaient entendre que les Bush avaient tremp� dans un "complot" pour tuer Kennedy...
Je savais que ces all�gations �taient d'origines cubaines et que madame Lebeau n'avait fait que du copier-coller... Son livre n'avait rien d'une investigation originale, mais faisait probablement partie d'un plan de d�sinformation qui origine des services de propagande cubains...
Alors que Castro joue les gorges chaudes avec les insinuations qui p�sent contre lui, ne m'attriste pas du tout... Il n'a pas la conscience tranquille et il le sait...
amicalement,
Spectateur
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Aucun homme n'a assez de m�moire pour r�ussir dans le mensonge. - Honest Abe
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William
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Ecrit le: Jan 15 2006, 06:23 PM |
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Administrator
      
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Pierre,
je crois que tu offres bien trop de cr�dit � Caroline L. Et, en Europe, faire de l'opposition � Bush ne te classe pas pour autant dans la cat�gorie "agent de Castro". Sinon, Kaisou � raison, il existe un fil consacr� � l'ovni litt�raire ailleurs. Tentons de rester dans la conversation ici.
P.S : J'ai du mal � saisir la comparaison entre une vente aux ench�res d'une pi�ce de collection et le "livre" en question. |
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spectateur
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Ecrit le: Jan 15 2006, 06:34 PM |
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Force de la nature
    
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ok, je vais calmer mes hormones...

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Aucun homme n'a assez de m�moire pour r�ussir dans le mensonge. - Honest Abe
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